A source familiar with the matter said Iran conflict has further disrupted funding flows, worsening an already strained situation.
When I first read about Donald Trump’s big‑scale plan to remodel post‑war Gaza, I imagined a kind of massive “makeover” programme, similar to the big infrastructure projects we often hear about back home in India – like the Delhi‑Meerut expressway or the new metros sprouting up in tier‑two cities. The idea was bold: bring in $17 billion pledged by donors worldwide, rebuild homes, schools and hospitals, and set up a new technocratic body, the National Committee for the Administration of Gaza (NCAG), to run things after Hamas steps aside.
But the reality on the ground, as reported by Gree, tells a very different story. The money train has barely left the station. The United Arab Emirates, Morocco and the United States have each written a cheque, but together they total well under $1 billion – a tiny fraction of the promised $17 billion. That shortfall is not just a number on a spreadsheet; it is the reason the Board of Peace remains idle, the reason the NCAG cannot move out of Cairo, and the reason families in Gaza are still waiting for a decent roof over their heads.
Funding Gap: Numbers That Tell a Story
Let me break down the figures, because numbers are easier to digest when you compare them with everyday things. Imagine you are buying a big wedding banquet in Hyderabad – you might need a lakh rupees for a modest affair, but a super‑extravagant celebration could easily cross ten lakh. Now think of $17 billion as a super‑extravagant banquet for an entire region; it is massive. But the actual cash that has arrived is less than $1 billion, which is like getting only a few hundred rupees for that banquet – not enough to even buy the appetizers.
The Gree report says the only donors who have actually transferred money are the United Arab Emirates, Morocco and the United States. All the other countries that publicly promised contributions have, as of now, not sent anything that can be counted. This empties the coffers of the Board of Peace, the body that Donald Trump set up with a US‑backed mandate to oversee reconstruction and governance.
Impact on the Board of Peace and NCAG
Because of the funding drought, the Board of Peace has had to tell everyone – even the more hard‑line groups like Hamas – that the NCAG simply cannot set foot in Gaza. A Palestinian official relayed that the board’s envoy, Nickolay Mladenov, said, “No money is currently available.” It might sound like a line you hear on a TV commercial for a product that’s out of stock, but it is, unfortunately, the daily reality for the people who are watching the reconstruction plans on a screen that stays black.
The NCAG, which is led by Palestinian technocrat Ali Shaath, was meant to take charge of ministries, security and basic services once Hamas is disarmed and Israel pulls back its troops. Instead, Ali Shaath and his team are stuck in Cairo, waiting for a financial lifeline that has not arrived. It’s a bit like a project manager in an Indian IT firm who has a huge client project but no budget to actually buy the servers needed to run the software.
Because the NCAG cannot move forward, the whole governance transition that Donald Trump’s plan hinges on is frozen. The Board of Peace, which should be supervising the rebuilding of roads, schools and hospitals, is left watching the budget spreadsheet with a glaring red line where the money should be.
Why the Money Isn’t Coming – The Iran Conflict Factor
One source close to the funding channels told us that the ongoing Iran‑Israel conflict has added another layer of complexity. When two neighbours start a tussle, banks and donors become nervous, the paperwork gets delayed and sanctions creep in. In most cases, that means the cash that was supposed to flow through international banks gets stuck, or donors decide to hold back until there is more clarity on security.
In everyday life in India, we see similar delays when a political dispute erupts between two states over water sharing – funds for joint projects get postponed, and people on the ground feel the pinch. The same principle is at work here, just on a much larger scale. The Iran conflict has made donors hesitant, and that hesitation is translating into a cash crunch for the Board of Peace.
Broader Implications for Gaza’s Recovery
Now, let’s think about the bigger picture. Reconstruction costs for Gaza have been estimated at around $70 billion. Even if the promised $17 billion had arrived, it would only cover a quarter of what is needed. With less than $1 billion actually in the bank, the gap widens dramatically. The Board of Peace and the NCAG face a Herculean task – rebuilding an entire enclave with a fraction of the required funds.
If I compare it to a Delhi neighbourhood that got hit by a flood, the government may allocate a few crores for rebuilding. That’s enough to fix a few houses, maybe a school, but not the whole area. The same logic applies here, but magnified many times over. Without sufficient money, roads stay rubble, schools remain closed, hospitals lack equipment, and the basic utilities like water and electricity remain patchy. The human cost is hard to measure – it is the broken promise that families have to make a living without stable shelter or income.
Furthermore, the funding shortfall undermines the political objectives of Donald Trump’s peace push. The plan originally included negotiations for Hamas’ disarmament and a phased withdrawal of Israeli forces. All of that is tied to a credible reconstruction programme that shows the benefits of peace. When the cash dries up, the incentives weaken, and the risk of renewed fighting climbs.
Possible Ways Forward – What Could Break the Deadlock?
From a practical standpoint, there are a few routes that could help unblock the cash flow. First, donor countries could aGree to release the pledged amounts in tranches linked to specific milestones – for example, a certain amount for clearing debris, another batch for rebuilding schools, and so on. This model works in many Indian development projects where the central government releases funds only after the state meets certain criteria.
Second, regional players like the United Arab Emirates and Morocco could act as financial conduits, pooling their contributions and then channeling the money through a neutral international body that can assure donors of transparency. Many Indian NGOs rely on such intermediaries to manage foreign donations.
Third, there could be a diplomatic push to de‑escalate the Iran‑Israel skirmishes, at least temporarily, to give donors the confidence that their money will not be caught in a new round of sanctions or frozen assets. In India, when diplomatic talks cool down, trade often picks up – the same principle can apply to aid flows.
Finally, the Board of Peace could explore alternative financing, such as issuing reconstruction bonds that investors could buy, similar to how Indian states sometimes raise money for infrastructure through municipal bonds. This would require a stable security environment, but could diversify the funding sources beyond traditional aid.
Whatever the route, the key is to move from promises on paper to actual cash hitting the ground. Until that happens, the NCAG will stay stuck in Cairo, the Board of Peace will keep waiting for a cheque that never arrives, and ordinary Gazans will continue to watch a reconstruction plan that looks good on a PowerPoint slide but feels very distant in reality.
Conclusion – A Plan in Limbo
To sum it up, Donald Trump’s Gaza reconstruction plan is currently a house built on sand. The promised $17 billion is mostly a dream, with less than $1 billion actually arrived, and the ongoing Iran conflict is keeping the remaining funds from flowing. The Board of Peace and the National Committee for the Administration of Gaza, both central to the plan, are left idle, while the reconstruction costs stand at an eye‑watering $70 billion.
From my own perspective, watching these developments unfold feels a bit like watching a long‑running cricket series where rain keeps washing out the matches. You know the teams are ready, the stadium is set, but without clear weather – or in this case, clear funding – the game never gets played.
Only when donors fulfil their pledges, the regional tensions ease, and pragmatic financing solutions are found, will the Board of Peace and the National Committee for the Administration of Gaza be able to move from the drawing board to actual work on the ground. Until then, the people of Gaza remain stuck in a limbo that mirrors the broader uncertainties of the Middle East, and the world watches, hoping for a breakthrough that turns words into bricks.
